The Mountain Meadows Massacre

HERE, in these chapters dealing with calamitous events of the period of 1851-7, may as well be considered that event which is the most lamentable episode in Utah history, and in the history of the church. I refer to the Mountain Meadows Massacre. The writer recognizes it as the most difficult of all the many subjects with which he has to deal in this History. Difficult because it is well-nigh impossible to sift out the absolute truth of the matter from the mass of conflicting statements made by witnesses and near witnesses of the affair; and equally difficult to reconcile the differences of contending partisans. Anti-"Mormon" writers have been determined to fasten the crime upon the Church of the Latter-day Saints, or at least upon her leaders; and also, as a rule, holding that in some way "Mormon" doctrine and "Mormon" church polity was responsible for the crime. On the other hand, church people who in all good conscience, and justly, resent this imputation against their church and its leaders, have been naturally slow to admit all the facts that history may insist upon as inevitable.

One of the most pathetic things connected with the case is that none of the Arkansas company of emigrants survived who were competent to relate the events as they saw them take place, since all were killed who could have had any certain memory of the circumstances, and it follows that the emigrants' story must be pieced together from the admissions and confessions of their murderers, Indians and white men, told at different times and under varying circumstances; prompted sometimes by self-interest, admissions and confessions alike, made in the hope of escaping censure, sometimes in the hope of avoiding the just consequences of participation in the crime; sometimes told in despair; and then again in the bitterness of revenge against some fellow participant who had betrayed the deed of blood; sometimes told haltingly, to shield those who may have been unwillingly brought into the wretched affair. And then some of these admissions, confessions, and relations have reached us only through second and third parties who have, in all probability, colored them to their own interested or biased views of the subject.

But at this point it is necessary to present, in outline, at least, the main facts in the case, before proceeding to the discussion of them.

THE CHARACTER OF THE EMIGRANT PARTY KILLED AT MOUNTAIN MEADOWS

The emigrants attacked at Mountain Meadows were a company made up chiefly of people from the state of Arkansas, and a few from Missouri, numbering in all about one hundred and forty souls, men, women, and children. They were reported to have been an exceptionally well-to-do company; with plenty of cattle, and horses and mules for teams, besides a number of loose cattle not subject to the yoke. Stenhouse, who describes the company from information supplied by a close gentleman friend fn of his who traveled with them from Fort Bridger to Salt Lake City, speaks of them in highest praise. He declares that they were wealthy; fn that in addition to the ordinary emigrant wagons they had several riding carriages; that in the main they were a collection of families closely related by the ties of consanguinity; that one of their number was a Methodist preacher, and that they were close observers of religious services night and morning, as well as upon the Christian Sabbath. This authority, and for their character we have no other that speaks directly for them, states that there was a company of Missourians traveling in proximity with the Arkansas company, who were "a rough-and-ready set of men, regular frontier Pioneers; the other [the Arkansas party] a picked company." fn The Missouri contingent called themselves "Missouri Wildcats." fn Bancroft dismisses the theory that there were two distinct companies by saying that "the truth appears to be that there were a few Missourians in the Arkansas party, as stated in Hutchings California Magazine." fn It must have been that the "Missouri Wildcats" dominated the company as it made its way through southern Utah, and gave to it the general character it bears in Utah annals, which, as we shall see, is the very opposite to that given to it by Stenhouse and Kelsey.

JOURNEY OF THE ARKANSAS EMIGRANTS THROUGH UTAH

This mixed company of Arkansas and Missouri emigrants arrived in Salt Lake City about the last of July and camped on the Jordan. It would appear that their arrival in the valley created no special interest as no mention of it appears in the Deseret News of the period, and Brigham Young declared that he only heard of its arrival by rumor. fn The emigrants were encamped for some time on the Jordan, west of Salt Lake City, and were advised by Elder Charles C. Rich to take the route around the north end of Salt Lake, as being preferable to the southern road. The company was so far impressed with his advice that they went as far north as Bear river, then changed their minds and concluded to take the southern route. fn In their journey the company passed through Provo, Springville, Payson, Fillmore and the smaller intervening settlements. No complaint is made against their deportment as emigrants until they reach Fillmore—a distance of about 150 miles south of Salt Lake City—and at Corn Creek, in Millard county—about 15 miles south of Fillmore. At the former place "they threatened the destruction of the town," says George A. Smith, "and boasted of their participation in the murders and other outrages that were inflicted upon the 'Mormons' in Missouri and Illinois." fn At the latter place, Corn Creek, "they poisoned the springs and the body of an ox which had died. The carcass was eaten by a band of Pieds from the desert who were on a visit to the Pahvantes"—the local tribe of Indians. "I was informed by the people living at Meadow Creek, the nearest settlers to Corn Creek," continues our authority, "that ten Indians died from this poisoned meat, and that a considerable number of cattle also died from the poisoning of the water. Some of these cattle were fat, and the owners 'tried them up,' to save the tallow. A son of Mr. Robison of Fillmore, was poisoned from the handling of the meat, and died. Among the cattle that died of poison were several belonging to the Hon. John A. Ray. He, being at the time in Europe, Mrs. Ray attended to saving the tallow, and was so poisoned as to endanger her life and permanently injure her hand. * * * While passing through the lower settlements the emigrants boasted of their participation in the expulsion of the 'Mormons' from Missouri, and threatened to stop at some convenient point, and fatten their stock, that when the United States troops should arrive, the emigrants would have plenty of beef to feed them with, and would then help to kill every 'Mormon' that there was in the mountains. This course of conduct on their part, coupled with the rumor which they spread, that some four or five hundred dragoons were expected through on the Fremont trail (i.e. from California), whom they would join, caused them to be regarded by the settlers with a feeling of distrust." fn

THE ALLEGED POLICY OF "NON-INTERCOURSE" WITH THE ARKANSAS EMIGRANTS

It is alleged that these emigrants could not purchase provisions in Salt Lake City, nor in the settlements through which they passed; that they were ordered by Brigham Young to leave Salt Lake City; that a courier preceded them, through the southern settlements, with written instructions for the settlers to have no dealings or intercourse with them. fn This is contradicted, however, as we shall see later by the sworn statements of men who sold grain to the emigrants until they were satisfied and would purchase no more. Attention has already been called to the partial famine in Utah in 1855-56, and the necessity it enjoined upon the people of Utah, in their peculiar situation, to husband their food supplies, especially their grain. fn In addition to the possibility of the recurrence of drought and grasshoppers, there was now an army approaching the territory, with no very clearly defined purpose, with no official notification of its purpose at all, or the fact of its having started, served upon the civil authorities of the territory; and in what it might eventuate no one knew, except that on the part of the Latter-day Saints there was a strong determination not to submit to oppression, even though that should involve them in another exodus from their homes; and as a preliminary step to such a possible eventuality, word was sent throughout the settlements to the people to carefully husband their grain; to feed none to their own stock, to sell none to passing companies of emigrants for that purpose, and for food supplies only sufficient to see them through to where they could purchase of other communities. fn

Elder George A. Smith who had been at the national capital and in the eastern states for about a year, urging the claims of Utah for admission into the Union, returned to Salt Lake City in the summer of 1857, and as some members of his family lived at Parowan, and he had property interests in the southern settlements—it will be remembered that he was prominent in the founding of these settlements—he paid a visit to the south part of the territory. In his capacity of an elder in the church, and a member of the council of the twelve apostles, he gave counsel to the saints respecting the care of their grain, and the necessity of being prepared for possible emergencies. But in as much as Elder Smith went south in advance of the Arkansas emigrant company, he is the "courier" of the anti-"Mormon" writers; the one who went to instruct the southern settlements in the policy of non-intercourse with the emigrants, and refusal to sell them food supplies, fn both of which charges Elder Smith by affidavit specifically denies, as he also denies that he knew even of the existence of the Arkansas company until he was returning from his journey to the south, and met them at Corn Creek, fifteen miles south of Fillmore. fn President Young denied that the Arkansas emigrants had been ordered away from Salt Lake either by himself or any one in authority under him; or that any order had been given by him not to sell grain or to trade with the emigrant trains passing through Utah at the time. "Counsel and advice," President Young explains, "were given to the citizens not to sell grain to the emigrants to feed their stock, but to let them have sufficient for themselves if they were out. The simple reason for this was that for several years our crops had been short, and the prospect was at that time that we might have trouble with the United States army, then en route for this place, and we wanted to preserve the grain for food. The citizens of the territory were counseled not to feed grain to their own stock. No person was ever punished or called in question for furnishing supplies to the emigrants, within my knowledge." fn

At Lee's first trial, July, 1875, Jesse N. Smith, for a number of years a member of the Utah territorial legislature, a prominent Pioneer in the southern settlements of Utah and later in Arizona, where he was elected a member of that territorial legislature, and was president of the Snowflake stake of Zion—Mr. Smith testified that he lived in Parowan in 1857, that he came to Utah ten years before. Saw the [Arkansas] emigrant train at the town above named [Parowan], sold them flour and salt, had flour to spare and asked if they wanted more; they wanted vegetables, but witness had none to spare. Saw George A. Smith in Parowan August 8th; he came in from the north, went down among the settlements, witness accompanying him. A meeting was held in every settlement. Witness attended them all. He [George A. Smith] deprecated selling grain and breadstuffs to feed to horses and mules. Never heard him in his public addresses allude to this train." fn

Silas S. Smith, brother to the above witness, corroborated, in the main the statements given by Jesse N. Smith. "Heard nothing said to discourage the sale of provisions to emigrant trains for food;" and heard nothing said by George A. Smith "against allowing emigrant trains to pass through the country." fn

Accompanying Geo. A. Smith northward their party met the Arkansas emigrants at Corn Creek where they were encamped, and where the Smith party camped also. Some of the emigrants visited the Smith party and made inquiries. Some one asked if the Indians would be likely to eat the flesh of an ox that laid dead near the camp, and was answered that most likely they would. fn From Cedar Springs in Millard county, Silas S. Smith separated from his cousin, Geo. A. Smith, and returned southward to his home in Paragoona. When so returning he overtook the Arkansas emigrants at Indian Creek near Beaver, camped with and had supper with them. And heard the captain of the company called "Mr. Fancher." fn

The Arkansas company passed through the "Mormon" settlements of Cedar and Pinto in the latter part of the first week in September and encamped at Mountain Meadows. fn

LOCATION OF THE MOUNTAIN MEADOWS

The Mountain Meadows are situated about three hundred and twenty miles south and a little west of Salt Iake City. They are on the plateau which forms the rim of the basin, the watershed separating the streams that flow to the Colorado river, and those flowing northward to lose themselves in the semi-desert of the Escalante valley. The "Meadows" are really a narrow valley about five miles in length by one mile in width, narrowing down to a few rods in width at the southern end, through which the old emigrant road passed. Near the south end of the Meadows is a large spring, a short distance north of which the Arkansas emigrants went into encampment, expecting, according to reported outgivings of theirs, to remain there some time for the purpose of resting their cattle before commencing their journey through the desert and semi-desert country between them and southern California.

THE MESSAGE OF INQUIRY SENT TO BRIGHAM YOUNG—JAMES HASLEM

Meantime the effect of the bad conduct of this emigrant company while passing through the southern "Mormon" settlements and the adjacent Indian tribes had culminated in a great excitement among the latter, and of anger and resentment among the former. It was customary for the local leading men at Cedar and from the smaller settlements in its vicinity to gather in a council meeting after the close of the regular Sunday services of the church, to consider questions of local community interest. At such a meeting on the 6th of September the question concerning the conduct of, and what ought to be done with, the Arkansas emigrants was brought up and debated. Some in the council were in favor of destroying them, and others were not. Finally, and largely through the influence of Mr. Laban Morrill, it was "unanimously decided" in that council to suspend all hostile action relative to the emigrants until a message could be sent to Brigham Young to learn what would be the best course to pursue. fn The next day James Haslem, a resident of Cedar at the time, was sent as such messenger to Governor Young. Word had come to Cedar before this express started for Salt Lake City that the Indians had the Arkansas emigrants surrounded at Mountain Meadows and John D. Lee (farmer to the Indians in southern Utah) wanted to know what should be done. fn Haslem testifies that this was the substance of the message handed to him. fn Haslem arrived in Salt Lake City in the forenoon of Thursday, the 10th of September. Governor Young after reading the message asked Haslem if he could stand the return trip; Haslem answered in the affirmative, and was then directed by the governor to take a few hours rest and then return with the answer that would be prepared. After several hours rest, Haslem presented himself to the governor and received a written message, unsealed, the governor saying to him as he prepared to ride away:—

GOVERNOR BRIGHAM YOUNG'S VERBAL ANSWER

"Go with all speed, spare no horse flesh. The emigrants must not be meddled with, if it takes all Iron county to prevent it. They must go free and unmolested." fn

PRESIDENT YOUNG'S LETTER TO ISAAC C. HAIGHT

"President's Office,

G. S. L. City, Sept. 10th, 1857.

Elder Isaac C. Haight,

Dear Brother: Your note of the 7th inst. is to hand. Captain Van Vliet, acting commissary is here, having come in advance of the army to procure necessaries for them. We do not expect that any part of the army will be able to reach here this fall. There are only about 850 men coming, they are now at or near Laramie. A few of the freight trains are this side of that place, the advance of which are now on Green river. They will not be able to come much, if any farther, on account of their poor stock. They cannot get here this season without we help them. So you see that the Lord has answered our prayers and again averted the blow designed for our heads.

In regard to emigration trains passing through our settlements we must not interfere with them until they are first notified to keep away. You must not meddle with them. The Indians we expect will do as they please, but you should try and preserve good feelings with them. There are no other trains going south that I know of if those who are there will leave let them go in peace. While we should be on the alert, on hand and always ready we should always possess ourselves in patience, preserving ourselves and property, ever remembering that God rules. He has overruled for our deliverance this once again, and he will always do so if we live our religion, be united in our faith and good works. All is well with us. May the Lord bless you and all saints forever.

I remain as ever your brother in the Gospel of Christ

BRIGHAM YOUNG." fn



Haslem returned by relay of horses, arriving at Cedar on Sunday the 13th of September, and delivered his message from Governor Young to Isaac C. Haight, who as he read it, burst into tears and said:

"Too late, too late!"

"The massacre," adds Haslem, "was all over before I got home." fn

Not only was a messenger sent to President Young in pursuance of the agreement of the council held at Cedar on the 6th of September, but messengers were also sent to leading men at Pinto, a small settlement within five or six miles of the Mountain Meadows, directing that the Indians be held in check until word could be received from Brigham Young with reference to the emigrants, and giving the information that a messenger was then starting for Salt Lake City. fn

OPENING ATTACK ON THE EMIGRANTS

Meantime several hundred Indians had gathered at Mountain Meadows, and at break of day on Monday or Tuesday morning—began an attack upon the emigrant camp, fn killing—it was afterwards learned—seven and wounding sixteen at the first volley. Though taken unawares the emigrants fought bravely and repulsed the Indians, killing several braves and mortally wounding two of their chiefs. This checked the attack, and afforded the emigrants an opportunity to draw their wagons into a close circle, sink the wheels to the hubs, and in the center of the enclosure dig a rifle pit large enough to afford protection to the whole party. They were in a state of siege.

Meantime the Indians sent runners into the surrounding country to gather more tribesmen, fn and one to John D. Lee, urging him to come to the place of the conflict and lead them to victory. Lee crossed the mountains from his home at the settlement of Harmony, and arrived among the Indians, whom he reports as in a frenzy of excitement and demanded that he lead them in an attack upon the now intrenched camp, threatening if he did not do it they would declare war upon the "Mormons" and kill every one in the settlements.

Unfortunately for these statements we only have the word of Lee to support them, as he was the only white man up to this stage of the proceedings with the Indians, and he can never be accepted as a reliable witness. But according to his statements he induced the Indians to allow him to leave the vicinity of the Meadows to bring up more Indians from the south. Sixteen miles southward he met about one hundred Indians and a number of white settlers from the Santa Clara valley. The Indians proceeded forthwith to join their friends at the scene of conflict, the whites camped together with Lee that night, and moved on to the Meadows the next day. From the encampment which these whites formed near Hamblin's ranch, and at no great distance from the emigrant train, word was sent to Cedar detailing the situation. But whether that was a message asking for help to protect and save the emigrants and pacify the Indians, as claimed by Lee; fn or a call for reinforcements to help effect their destruction; or a call for a gathering of more settlers for consultation to determine what could be done, and what it would be best to do, may not be determined, as Lee's statement cannot be trusted. The call, however, whatever its purport, brought to Mountain Meadows a number of white settlers from Cedar, on Thursday, the 10th of September, enough to swell the number of whites now there to between fifty and sixty, many of whom were but very young men.

That night and the following morning the fate of the emigrants was debated among the leaders of the settlers. One incident which may have been a large determining factor in the subsequent tragedy was the killing, the night before, of one of the emigrants by white men some distance from the emigrant camp. It appears that two men of the emigrant company on Wednesday left their camp in the Meadows, evaded the watchfulness of the Indians and were making their way to Cedar for help; at or near the settlement of Pinto they met three white men to whom they told their errand, but were immediately attacked and one of them was killed. The other escaped and returned to the emigrant camp, with his news, of course, that the white settlers were doubtless in league with the Indians for their destruction, since his companion had been killed by white men. Should any of the emigrants escape with that story to California, in the then excited state of mind towards the "Mormons," the likelihood would be that a military force would soon be moving upon them from the west as well as the one now invading the territory from the east. This is not said by way of palliation for the crime of the massacre which followed, but is mentioned as one of the important facts of the tragedy, and as one of the contributing causes, doubtless, to the decision arrived at that all of the emigrants should be killed who would be likely to retain any memory of what had occurred, or was likely to occur. fn

MOTIVES PROMPTING THE MASSACRE

This gives fear a large place among the motives that led to the crime of the Mountain Meadows. It has already been stated that the course of the emigrants in passing through the southern settlements had awakened the resentment of the people. Though much of their boasting about participation in the Missouri and Illinois "Mormon" troubles may have been the mere bravado of the "Missouri Wildcats;" and their threats against the then presiding "Mormon" leaders, and their expressed intention to return in force and destroy the Latter-day Saint settlements, may have been but the vain ranting of the reckless spirits of the camp, yet it was suicidal to indulge in that bravado and such ranting. It would have been so in any community who had suffered such injustice as the Latter-day Saints had suffered; with which suffering they were now taunted, and of which there was now—as the settlers viewed it—a threatened repetition, and in which repetition the reckless part of this company of emigrants expressed determination to participate. Such procedure even under normal conditions would have aroused resentments and led to trouble, and most likely to some acts of violence. But to make these boasts, and to indulge in these threats at a time when great excitement prevailed in the "Mormon" settlements, and the war spirit of the people was aroused by reports of the approach of an invading army whose purpose the saints were left to suspect by their cruel experiences with state troops in both Missouri and Illinois—for the Arkansas emigrants to indulge in boastings of past achievements with armed movements against the saints, to swagger and threaten a repetition of these things was, under all the circumstances, to invite calamity. And now that one of their number had been shot down by white men, and they had evidence that white settlers of Utah were leagued with the Indians, it doubtless made it easy for some of the leaders to persuade the white settlers gathered at Mountain Meadows to conclude that the emigrants if allowed to escape would be able to carry out their threat of returning from California with the necessary force to destroy the "Mormon" settlements. And so I say this fear became a weighty argument in determining the fate of the emigrant company. fn

The fate of the emigrants was debated among the leaders of the white settlers at the Meadows; we need not attempt to trace the discussion in detail where there is so much that is unreliable on account of the character of the witnesses, and so much that is contradictory. Nor is it possible to know the distress and suffering of the besieged emigrants. It is known, however, that their suffering was very great. Their corral of wagons was some distance from the spring on the north side of which they had camped, and they could get no water without exposing themselves to the attacks of the Indians who watched the spring; and the same is true as to wood, though at intervals, and usually at night, both were obtained, but at great risk. Great and sickening must have been their consternation when they learned from their man who had escaped from the Pinto assault that white men as well as the Indians were arrayed against them.

MASSACRE COLDLY DETERMINED UPON

After the discussion as to the disposition of the emigrants referred to ended, it appears that leading spirits among the white settlers who had assembled at Mountain Meadows determined upon the destruction of the emigrants; and in order that it might be accomplished without risk to themselves it was decided to decoy the emigrants from their fortified camp, disarm them and treacherously put them to death. The conception was diabolical; the execution of it horrible; and the responsibility for both must rest upon those men who conceived and executed it; for whatever of initiative may or may not have been taken by the Indians in the first assault upon these emigrants, responsibility for this deliberately planned massacre rests not with them.

A flag of truce was sent to the emigrant camp, carried by one William Bateman; he was met outside the camp by a Mr. Hamilton from the emigrant company, and an arrangement was made for John D. Lee to hold a parley with the emigrants and explain in what way they could be delivered from the vengeance of the surrounding Indian tribes. The terms were that the emigrants give up their arms; that the wounded be loaded into wagons followed by the women and larger children, the men of the company in single file coming after them. On condition of such surrender the white settlers were to give the emigrants safe conduct back to Cedar, where they would be protected until they could continue the journey to California in safety. The surrender was made by the emigrants; two wagons were brought to their camp and the arms and the wounded loaded into them, the procession formed, and the march toward Cedar began.

EXECUTION OF THE PLAN

Meantime the Indians, several hundred in number, had been concealed in patches of scrub oaks and cedars behind a swell of the hillside, out of view from the emigrant camp, but beside the road over which this forming procession would move. A short distance from the emigrant camp the settlers from Cedar City and the Clara valley were drawn up in double file, and between the files the procession of wagons, women and children and men passed. The file of settlers was then changed from double to single order, an armed settler by this arrangement marching on the right of each unarmed emigrant man. When the wagons and the women and children had reached the stretch of road beside which the Indians were in ambush, the signal agreed upon was given, and in from three to five minutes the Mountain Meadows Massacre was made a horrible fact of history.

Only three men escaped the first deadly assault, and these were followed to the desert and killed. fn Seventeen young children were all that were saved from the slaughter. From one hundred and fifteen to one hundred and twenty men, women and older children were slain, and then given but an imperfect burial.

DISPOSITION OF THE VERY YOUNG CHILDREN AND THE PROPERTY

The children that were saved were distributed among the settlers, but two years later they were gathered up by Mr. Jacob Forney, who succeeded Brigham Young as Indian agent for the territory of Utah, and were sent east where, as far as possible, they were given in charge of relatives or friends of the ill-fated emigrants, congress having in the meantime appropriated the sum of $10,000 for their recovery and restoration; fn but most of them were received into and cared for by a child's orphanage in St. Louis.

The property of the emigrant company was seized upon by both Indians and white men, some of it being sold in Cedar, at public auction, and referred to as the "property taken at the siege of Sevastopol." fn The same authority mentions a report that Lee, Haight, and Klingensmith counseled with Brigham Young "about what should be done with the property. They took with them the ready money they got from the surrender of the emigrants and offered it to Young. He said he would have nothing to do with it. He told them to divide the cows and cattle among the poor. They had taken some of the cattle to Salt Lake City when they went up, and after the talk with Brigham they sold these to the merchants there. Lee told Brigham that the Indians would not be satisfied if they did not have a share of the cattle. Brigham left it to Lee to make the distribution." fn Of course these were merely the rumors current in southern Utah at the time (1859) Major Carleton wrote this letter from Mountain Meadows. In his deposition admitted in evidence at the second Lee trial, on the subject of the distribution of this property, President Young said:

"Eleventh Question—Did you ever give any direction concerning the property taken from the emigrants at the Mountain Meadows massacre, or know anything as to its disposition?

Answer—No, I never gave any directions concerning the property taken from the company of emigrants at the Mountain Meadows massacre, nor did I know anything of that property, or its disposal, and I do not to this day, except from public rumor." fn

Footnotes

1. This "gentleman friend," according to Mrs. Stenhouse, was Eli B. Kelsey, Tell it All: The Story of a Life's Experience in Mormonism, by Mrs. T. B. H. Stenhouse, 1878, p. 325. Mr. Kelsey was an apostate "Mormon;" as was also Mrs. Stenhouse and her book, an anti-"Mormon" book.

2. Mr. Jacob Forney, who succeeded Brigham Young as Indian agent for the territory of Utah, reports that they had 600 head of cattle, 30 head of horses and mules. In Waite's Mormon Prophet, though upon what authority is not stated, that author puts the number of cattle at 800 head, 60 horses and mules, 40 wagons and 150 emigrants (pp. 65, 66). Forney in a letter to the commissioner of Indian affairs at Washington dated from Provo, March, 1859, estimated that $30,000 worth of property was distributed, after the massacre, "among the leading church authorities;" an estimate in the one case, and an unwarranted assumption in the other. (Senate Documents, 36th Congress, 1st Sess., ii, No. 42). Cradlebaugh estimated the value of the company's property at from $60,000 to $70,000. Beadle, quoting Dr. Brewer of the United States army, who saw this train at O'Fallon's Bluff on the Platte, on the 11th of June confirms Stenhouse's account as to the ease and leisure with which the company traveled, referring to it as "probably the finest train that had ever crossed the plains," and that there seemed to be "about forty heads of families" (Life in Utah, p. 179). Major Carleton confirms the party being a wealthy one. "This train," he remarks, "was undoubtedly a very rich one. It is said the emigrants had nearly 900 head of fine cattle, many horses and mules, and one fine stallion valued at $2,000; that they had a great deal of ready money besides." (Carleton's Report to Major W. W. Mackall from Mountain Meadows, May 25th, 1859, Hand Book of Mormonism, pp. 67-69).

3. Tell It All, Mrs. Stenhouse, p. 325.

4. The Rocky Mountain Saints, Stenhouse. Stenhouse was an apostate "Mormon" and his book anti-"Mormon."

5. Vol. lv, p. 345. See Bancroft's History of Utah, pp. 544-5, note 3.

6. Brigham Young's Deposition, read and accepted in evidence at John D. Lee's second trial, September, 1876.

7. See Mountain Meadows Massacre, p. 7, by Elder (later in the apostles' quorum and counselor in the first presidency) Chas. W. Penrose, 1884, p. 7; also Bancroft's History of Utah, p. 547; also Tullidge in Millennial Star, vol. xxxix, p. 785; see also Interview with President Brigham Young, in New York Herald of May 6th, 1877, copied into Deseret News of May 12, 1877. The interview is a very long one, and important for the data it contains as to conditions in Utah at the time of the massacre.

8. This, however, may have been mere bravado, as there is no evidence beyond their reported boasts that they were connected with those events, though, in addition to the above statement, both Laban Morrill and Joel White testified that the emigrants were alleged to have boasted that they had "killed old Joe Smith." (See the testimony of Morrill and White at second trial of John D. Lee, September, 1876). Bancroft quotes Lee as saying that the Arkansas emigrants had publicly boasted that they "had the very pistol with which the Prophet Joseph Smith was murdered and had threatened to kill Brigham Young and all the apostles." Lee represents Isaac C. Haight as charging the emigrants with even more serious offenses such as "that they had insulted, outraged and ravished many of the Mormon women; that they had burned fences and destroyed growing crops; that at many points on the road they had poisoned the water springs; that it was their intention to return from California with soldiers as soon as possible and they would then desolate the land and kill every G—d—ed Mormon, man, woman and child, that they could find in Utah," etc., etc. (See Bancroft's History of Utah, p. 549, note. Mormonism Unveiled, Lee's Confession, pp. 218-219). It should be remembered, however, that John D. Lee in his confession was seeking excuses for his own atrocious deeds.

9. It must be remembered by the reader that at this time—summer of 1857—a force of United States troops were en route for Utah to suppress a supposed rebellion against federal authority in Utah; and it was the coming of these troops the emigrants referred to, and whom they threatened to reinforce by joining those troops that were expected from the southwest over Fremont's trail, to form a juncture with the eastern force in demonstration against the "Mormons."

The quotations in the text of the history are from a letter addressed to President Brigham Young, by Geo. A. Smith, dated at Parowan, August 17, 1858, about one year after the massacre occurred, and is recorded in the History of Brigham Young, Ms., under the entry for Sept. 9th, 1857 (pp. 481-489), with the following explanatory note: "This is the day on which it is reported that the horrible Mountain Meadows Massacre by the Indians occurred [in reality it took place two days later], an account of which was written in a letter from George A. Smith to President Brigham Young, dated nearly a year after the terrible transaction." Then follows the letter in full. George A. Smith at this time was the representative to the council of the territorial legislature from the council district in which the southern settlements were located; and it was in the capacity of council representative that he conducted his investigations, and made his report to Brigham Young. It is a most valuable historical document on account of its having been written within a year of the event which, in the main, it treats; and because it represents the view of the massacre reported to Geo. A. Smith, which those who had engaged in it were evidently desirous should be the accepted version; and lastly on account of the high character of the author of the letter, George A. Smith, and his official standing in the community—member of the apostles' quorum in the church, church historian, and member of the legislative council of the territory.

10. Rocky Mountain Saints, pp. 432-3. Though Stenhouse here quotes an anonymous writer, "Argus," in the Corinne Reporter, a Gentile paper, published at the town of Corinne, about fifty miles north of Salt Lake City, yet Stenhouse vouches for him, knows who he is and holds that the "Open Letter" of "Argus" to Brigham Young was written by one of such standing as to make it worthy to be admitted into a serious history, (The Rocky Mountain Saints, p. 430, note. See also for alleged treatment of these emigrants by settlers, letter of Jas. H. Carleton, brevet major first dragoons, U. S. A., from Mountain Meadows encampment, May 25, 1859, Hand Book of Mormonism, pp. 67-69, anti-"Mormon," a compilation of miscellaneous documents).

11. See chapter xcix.

12. See Deposition of Brigham Young, received as evidence in the second trial of John D. Lee, at Beaver, Sept., 1876, Court Record of the trial; also affidavit of Geo. A. Smith. (Ibid). These documents are also to be found in Mormonism Unveiled, where the Court Record of the second trial of John D. Lee is given in large part, chapters xxi, xxii, and xxiii.

13. "What had they [the Arkansas emigrants] done * * * that a courier should be sent ahead of them bearing your [Governor Young's] written instructions to the Mormons, on said company's line of travel to have no dealing or intercourse with them; thus compelling [condemning (?)] them to almost certain starvation on the deserts." ("Argus," quoted by Stenhouse, Rocky Mountain Saints, pp. 431-2-3).

14. See Smith's affidavit, second trial of Lee. "Deponent further saith, that as an elder in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, he preached several times on his way south, and also on his return, and tried to impress upon the minds of the people the necessity of great care as to their grain crops, as all crops had been short for several years previous to 1857, and many of the people were reduced to actual want, and were suffering for the necessaries of life.

Deponent further saith, that he advised the people to furnish all emigrant companies passing through the territory with what they might actually need for breadstuff, for the support of themselves and families while passing through the territory, and also advised the people not to feed their grain to their own stock, nor to sell to the emigrants for that purpose.

Deponent further saith, that he never heard or knew of any attack upon said emigrant train until some time after his return to Salt Lake City, and that while near Fort Bridger he heard for the first time that the Indians had massacred an emigrant company at Mountain Meadows." (See also, in confirmation, affidavit of Jesse N. and Silas S. Smith, Court Record of John D. Lee's first trial, July, 1875, and Deseret News of Aug. 4th, 1875).

15. Affidavit, Brigham Young at Lee's first and also second trial, Court Record; also Deseret News, for 4th Aug., 1875, where the deposition is given at length. This deposition was presented at both the first and second trial of Lee, but was only admitted at the second trial.

16. Court Record, Lee's first trial, testimony of Jesse N. Smith, Salt Lake Tribune report of trial, pp. 33-34. Deseret News, August 4th, 1875.

17. Ibid. Silas Smith was equally prominent, with his brother, in both the civic life of the territory of Utah, and in the ecclesiastical life of the church. Elected to the territorial legislature in 1859, he served almost continuously in the house and council for twenty years, much of which time he was bishop of Paragoonah. In 1879 he led a party of Pioneer settlers into what is now called San Juan county, southeastern Utah, and founded the city of Bluff and other settlements. Subsequently he removed to San Luis valley, Conejos county, Colorado, where a number of Latter-day Saint settlements were being organized into a stake of Zion, of which he was made the president; and in which capacity and for the colonists he purchased some 20,000 acres of land at public sales, and secured titles for the people, and established them in prosperous settlements in the state of Colorado.

18. Elisha Hoops, who was a member of the Smith party when at Corn Creek, testified at the first Lee trial that he heard the inquiry respecting the likelihood of the Indians eating the dead ox; and also testified that just as the party he was with was starting out in the morning, he saw a German doctor traveling with the Arkansas train stick a knife into the carcass of the dead ox in question in three places and pour something in the cuts out of a vial. (See Court Record, testimony of Elisha Hoops; also Deseret News of Aug. 4, 1875; see also a statement of Historian George A. Smith under the title Account of the Mountain Meadows Massacre, History of Brigham Young, Ms., entry for 25th of Nov., 1864, pp. 879-883). On the other hand it is alleged that the poisoning of dead cattle resulted from their having eaten a poisonous weed that grows in southern Utah. Jacob Forney, who succeeded Brigham Young as Indian agent for the territory, makes this as an explanation in his report to the government and cites the case of the ox of Mr. Ray (referred to by Geo. A. Smith in this chapter as being killed by drinking from the springs poisoned by the emigrants) as being so killed while the Arkansas emigrants were in the neighborhood of Corn Creek (Senate Documents, 36th Congress, 1st Session, ii, No. 42, p. 76. Forney's Report was made in September, 1859). It is further asked what motive the Arkansas party could have for thus inviting the hostility of the Indians. The only answer, if any, would be the general contempt in which western emigrants held the Indians, the lightness in which they regarded the act of taking their lives, culminating in that most wretched of all aphorisms of the mountains and the plains—"The only good Indian is a dead one."

19. Deseret News, Aug. 4, 1875.

20. There is some conflict in dates as to the time of the arrival of the emigrants at the Meadows, and also as to the date on which the massacre occurred. For instance, "Argus," whom Stenhouse quotes, places the time of the massacre on the 15th of September, instead of the 11th. (Rocky Mountain Saints, p. 431). And Josiah F. Gibbs, author of Lights and Shadows of Mormonism, places the first attack upon the emigrants on the 19th of September (p. 223), saying, however, that the dates "are somewhat mixed."

21. Court Record, second trial of John D. Lee, testimony of Laban Morrill.

22. The message he was to carry was read to Haslem by Isaac C. Haight, then sealed up. The messenger carefully concealed it upon his person and began his journey. (Haslem's affidavit, Mountain Meadows Massacre, Penrose, p. 86).

23. See also affidavit of Haslem given 12th of January, 1885, before Joseph Howell, notary public at Wellsville, Utah. Mr. Howell later was representative to congress from the state of Utah. The testimony of Haslem is not given at length in the court proceedings in the second trial of Lee, but a synopsis only. See the court proceedings as reported in Mormonism Unveiled, compiled and edited by Lee's counsel, William W. Bishop, containing Lee's alleged confession and a full account of his second trial. Haslem's testimony as recounted there stands as follows: "James Haslem testified that he went as a messenger from Haight to Brigham Young, and that Brigham Young sent back word that 'those men must be protected and allowed to go in peace.' He got back with the message Sunday after the massacre, and reported to Haight, who said, 'It is too late.'" (Mormonism Unveiled, pp. 322-3). In the Deseret News daily report of the trial while in progress, the synopsis of Haslem's testimony was more extended and contained the words to be used presently in the text. In consequence of the detailed testimony of Mr. Haslem not being given in full in the Court Record, an attorney, S. A. Kenner, Esq., took his testimony in the form of questions and answers on the aforesaid 12th day of January, 1885, as above cited. The testimony will be found in extenso as a Supplement to The Mountain Meadows Massacre, by Charles W. Penrose, 1884.

24. Report of Lee trial, while it was in progress, Deseret News of Sept. 20th, 1876. Also Haslem affidavit, Supplement to Penrose's Mountain Meadows Massacre, pp. 94, 95. Haslem also said he knew the contents of the written answer. (News report, Ibid).

25. Church Business Letter Book, No. 3, above copied from original impression.

26. Haslem's testimony, Mountain Meadows Massacre, Supplement, p. 95. Haslem's ride stands among the foremost of such achievements. He had ridden over six hundred miles in six days, and largely through a wilderness country.

27. See Haslem's affidavit, Ibid, p. 102. Joel White and Philip Klingensmith were entrusted with this message to Pinto. En route they met, near Cedar City, and going towards it, John D. Lee. They acquainted him with the nature of their mission and message, to which Lee answered: "I have something to say about that." (Testimony of Klingensmith, at Lee's first trial, July, 1875, Court Record; and testimony of Joel White at Lee's second trial, Court Record, September, 1876).

28. Lee says the first attack was made on Tuesday morning. (Confession, Mormonism Unveiled, p. 226). Others place it on Monday morning, Sept. 7th. See Linn's Story of the Mormons, p. 521; Bancroft's History of Utah, p. 550).

29. The following statement is from the report of Hon. George A. Smith, to Brigham Young, on Aug. 17, 1858: "When the attack was made on the emigrant party, the Indians sent out runners to the various bands in every direction, to gather additional help. The news reached the settlement at Cedar through that means. Ahwonup, the Piede chief at Parowan, received an invitation to join the foray against the emigrants. He went to Colonel Dame to tell him what he was going to do, upon which the colonel succeeded in inducing him and the most of his warriors to abandon the project." (History of Brigham Young, Ms., entry for 9th Sept., 1857, pp. 481-9).

30. Lee's Confession, Mormonism Unveiled, p. 229.

31. Lee's Confession, Mormonism Unveiled, p. 235; also Lee's second trial, Court Record, testimony of Jacob Hamblin. Lee states that two men left the camp, Hamblin reports that Lee told him that there were three, and that two escaped. (Ibid).

32. Nearly all anti-"Mormon" writers mentions as motive for "Mormon" bitterness, or "animus" against the Arkansas company, the murder of Elder Parley P. Pratt in Van Buren county, Arkansas, and name revenge for his death as a motive for the crime at Mountain Meadows, Stenhouse viciously and wickedly saying, in this connection, that "the Indian is not the only human being who fails to discriminate between the innocent and the guilty." (Rocky Mountain Saints, p. 428). And even Bancroft attributes "Mormon" "disfavor" for the Arkansas company to "the murder of a well-beloved apostle of the Mormon church." (History of Utah, p. 545). Yet there is not a scintilla of evidence that justifies in the remotest manner any such suggestion, much less any such conclusion. Elder Pratt was killed on the 13th of May, near the line, between Indian territory and the state of Arkansas, and on which side of it is not quite certain, and while news of his death had reached Salt Lake City before the departure southward of the Arkansas company, no particulars of that sad event were known in Utah, as the eastern mail service between Independence and Salt Lake City had been suspended for several months; and there were no feelings of revenge existing in Utah against Arkansas citizens on account of the Pratt murder. Equally vain are the attempts to connect the Mountain Meadows tragedy with alleged threats made by Brigham Young in his conversation with Captain Van Vliet, and with which Bancroft's chapter on the massacre opens. In that conversation Brigham Young said: "If the government persists in sending an army to destroy us, in the name of the Lord, we shall conquer them. If they dare to force the issue, I shall not hold the Indians by the wrist any longer, for white men to shoot at them; they shall go ahead and do as they please. If the issue comes, you may tell the government to stop all emigration across this continent, for the Indians will kill all who attempt it." (History of Brigham Young, Ms., entry for 9th of September, 1857). This conversation is said by Bancroft to have occurred upon the 9th of September, two days later the massacre, over three hundred miles distant, took place. "In the absence of telegraph and railroads it would be impossible," Bancroft concedes, "to execute a deed three hundred miles away in two days." But as a matter of fact this Young-Van Vliet interview, in which the above statement occurs, took place on Sunday, the 13th of September, two days after the massacre at Mountain Meadows. (See Woodruff's Journal, Ms., entry for 13th September, 1857). Brigham Young's words to Captain Van Vliet constituted a warning instead of a threat.

33. There is some conflict as to the number of men who escaped the first assault. Lee says three escaped, but Indians were put upon their trail and they overtook and killed them (Mormonism Unveiled, p. 244). Forney reports that three escaped, but they were overtaken and killed. (Senate Documents, 36th Congress, 1st Session, ii, No. 42, p. 89). Cradlebaugh says two escaped and fled to the desert, but were followed and finally overtaken and killed, one of them 150 miles from the Meadows. (Congressional Globe, Appendix, 37th Congress, 1862-3, p. 123). Burton condensing from official reports tells of three escaping from the first assault, but being taken and killed. (City of the Saints, p. 340, note).

34. See Bancroft's History of Utah, pp. 557-8, and Forney's Report in Senate Documents, 36th Congress, 1st Session, ii, No. 42, passim, Appendix, p. 123. Relative to the charge made by some anti-"Mormon" writers that the children were ill-cared for and poorly clad by the people who had charge of them in Utah, it is only necessary to quote Forney's report on this point: "It is proper to remark that when I obtained the children they were in a better condition than children generally in the settlements in which they lived." (Senate Documents, 36th Congress, 1st Session, ii, No. 42, pp. 87, 89). All the official reports deny the charge that the children were left in the custody of the Indians.

35. Letter of Major James H. Carleton to Major W. W. Mackall, assistant adjutant general, U. S. A., San Francisco, Cal., from Mountain Meadows, date of May 25, 1859, Hand Book of Mormonism, p. 67, et seq. "The property of the emigrants was taken to Cedar, where it was put up at public auction and sold." (Report of Captain R. P. Campbell to Major F. J. Porter, Senate Documents, 36th Congress, 1st Session, vol. ii, p. 208). Hon. George A. Smith's report to Brigham Young states concerning the conduct of the Indians in seizing upon the emigrant property that on the arrival of Colonel Haight at the Meadows he found "the Indians were pillaging and destroying the property, and driving off the cattle in every direction; each one endeavoring to secure to himself the most plunder, without respect to others. When they had secreted one back load in the hills, they returned and got another, thus continuing with the most unremitting energy till everything was cached." (History of Brigham Young, Ms., 1857, pp. 481-9).

36. Carleton's Report. Also Life in Utah, Beadle, p. 184, and Stenhouse in Rocky Mountain Saints, p. 452; and Cradlebaugh's speech, Congressional Globe, 37th Congress, 3rd Session, Appendix, p. 123.

37. Court Record, second Lee trial, Sept., 1876, Deposition of Brigham Young.



(B. H. Roberts, A Comprehensive History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 6 vols. [Salt Lake City: Deseret News Press, 1930], 4: .)